Crimea Dmitro Yarosh Donbass Lviv Maidan Media Neo-Fascism Petro Poroshenko Putin Regime Change Regime Transformation Revolution Right Sector Russia SBU Security Service of Ukraine Terrorism Ukraine Ultra-Nationalism US-Ukrainian Relations Valentyn Nalyvaichenko

Maidan Ukraine’s Authoritarianism Surplus: Update on “Maidan Ukraine’s Democracy Deficit”

photo Nalyvaichenko

by Gordon M. Hahn

This is an update to my previous article “Maidan Ukraine’s Growing Democracy Deficit,” which is offered as background further below.

On April 15th the SBU announced it was moving to charge Vesti with “supporting separatism” and was investigating alleged irregular sources of the paper’s financing ( This means that the SBU is now harassing the same media that the neo-fascist Right Sector has been attacking as described below in the background section. This pattern of Ukrainian siloviki cooperation with neo-fascists seen during the civil war in the form of the National Guard and volunteer battalions is now manifesting itself away from the dormant front back in the capitol and across much of the country in fact. As is shown below, it is part of a deliberate SBU policy.

The day after the SBU announced it was investigating Vesti, another Party of Regions deputy, Oleg Kalshnikov, was killed. Kalshnikov was an opponent of the Maidan regime and had recently organized a protest at the US embassy in Kiev (;; and

The following day, the moderate anti-Maidan journalist Oles Buzina was killed. The following day a group calling itself the Ukrainian Partisan Army (UPA) after the World War Two Nazi-allied Ukrainian force responsible for atrocities committed against tens of thousands of Jews and Poles, claimed responsibility for the murder of Buzina and several of the eight recent alleged ‘suicides’ committed by former Party of Regions deputies and Yanukovich allies (;; and Another journalist, Sergei Sukhobok, was killed on 13 April 13th, but initial reports indicated he was likely killed by an angry neighbor.

On the background of all this and other violence across Kiev and Ukraine, the creation of a new pro-Maidan government-tied project, called ironically enough Peacemaker (Mirotvorets), was uncovered. The names of both Kalashnikov and Buzina, along with their home addresses, appeared on Peacemaker’s list of “enemies of the people” days before they were killed, but were later removed ( and The project explicitly condones and cynically suggests several methods for murdering prisoners and detainees: “In accordance with the Geneva Conventions of 1929 and 1949, article 47 (2) and the First amendment protocol of the Geneva Conventions signed in 1977, all foreign citizens and servicemen illegally found on the territory of Ukraine and acting against her sovereignty and territorial integrity by way of manifest support of fighters and terrorists are uniformly classified as noncombatants and mercenaries, and they do not fall under the jurisdiction of the noted Convention in particular as regards their relation to them as war prisoners (i.e. it is allowed not to take them prisoner and instead act with regard to them by the laws of war time, for example to shoot them ‘while rendering resistance’ or ‘during an attempt to escape’ – there is a mass of variations)” ( Supreme Rada deputy from Prime Minister Arsenyi Yatsenyuk’s nationalist ‘National Front’ and Secretary of the Rada’s Committee on Legislative Issues Regarding the Law Enforcement Bodies Anton Gerashchenko recommended ‘Peacemaker’ on his Facebook page, touting the fact that its list includes 32 names of people who “either fought against Ukraine, subverted it from within, or betrayed their oath of loyalty to Ukraine” and that within a matter of days thens of thousands more names would be added to the list (

Then, on April 20th, the embattled pro-democracy news agency Vesti issued the rather damning results of its special investigation of the Ukrainian siloviki. Members and leaders of several of the smaller and newer post-revolutionary ultra-nationalist groups as well as sources inside the SBU acknowledged that the SBU, under the direct leadership of its Director Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, has been recruiting such groups to attack democratic opponents such as Vesti. Vesti’s interviewees also report that the SBU is cracking down only on those radicals that threaten the leadership’s economic interests, such as the group ‘Revansh’ which has harassed and picketed companies of oligarchs like President Petro Poroshenko’s Roshen chocolate company. The interviews also revealed ties between the BU, Nalyvaichenko, several new post-revolutionary radical groups like Revansh, and the recently appointed Ukrainian Armed Forces general Staff advisor Dmitro Yarosh and his neo-fascist Right Sector party. Finally, Vesti found that the leader of Right Sector’s division in Kiev’s Svtoshinsk District with the nom de guerre ‘Kii’ who has led the attacks on the news agency in recent months (“Ukrainskie spetssluzhby sozdayut armii iz radikalov – foto,” Vesti Ukraine, 20 April 2015,

In a hard-hitting commentary, one of Vesti’s editorialists wrote: “For an illustration (of the new totalitarianism in Ukraine) here is an example. In the course of almost a year, they zealously convinced us that the terrorists shot up themselves, and as a result innocent civilians were killed in the occupied territories. But amazingly as soon as (Kiev’s or Madian Ukraine’s) heavy arms and military forces were withdrawn from the front lines, innocent civilians stopped being killed. That is, the seperatists immediately ceased shoting themselves?! In this way, the new totalitarianism is not the closing of inconvenient mass media or the torture behind walls; it is total control over the informational agenda and the formation of the thought environment within the framework of which it is possible to conduct discourse” (Viktor Levitskii, “O novom totalitarizme,” Vesti Ukraine, 14 April 2015, Levitskii missed one key point. While the Donbass insurgents stopped ‘shooting their own people,’ the authorities in Kiev and their help-mates most certainly have not.

POST-SCRIPT TO THE UPDATE: All this comes as US and other Western forces begin training Ukrainian troops and, in particular, the Azov Battalion, dominated by neo-fascists from Right Sector and one of the several founding parties that founded it on the Maidan during the increasingly ill-fated Maidan revolution, the Social-National Assembly. They dream of a world under the dominion of Ukrainian ultra-nationalism literally, as I have documented numerous times from the SNA’s party program deleted last year from its website (Gordon M. Hahn, “The Maidan Revolution’s Neo-Fascism Problem,” Fair Observer, 23 September 2014, It needs to be asked whether this is an investment US taxpayers really want to make.


The Maidan Regime’s Growing Democracy Deficit Russian and Eurasian Politics

12 April 2015

The Maidan Regime’s Growing Democracy Deficit

The February 2014 Maidan revolt that overthrew democratically elected if gravely corrupt Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovich was supposed to usher in an era of liberal democracy and the rule of law. Despite relatively free and fair elections, the democracy deficit, among the Maidan regime’s many others, might be its most dangerous deficit of all. Put aside the war crimes Kiev’s army and ultra-nationalist-dominated volunteer battalions committed during the civil war and the ongoing massive corruption that is actually worsening in conditions of state financial collapse and economic dislocation. Nevertheless, even after narrowing the issue to governance and rights issues, democracy in Ukraine stands at the edge of an abyss perhaps no less profound than one located just outside Kiev, at Babi Yar, which saw tens of thousands of Jews slaughtered at the hands of German Nazis and Ukrainian collaborators of the Nazi-allied Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in a matter of a day or two.

The Ukraiian government has adopted numerous draconian, repressive laws since the rise of the Maidan regime. The most authoritarian law was that which declared the ‘anti-terrorist’ operation – a declaration of civil war – after pro-federalization and anti-Maidan groups’ takeovers of government buildings in the Donbass and temporarily elsewhere in the manner of the Maidan’s seizure of power in Kiev. This was done within weeks after the Donbass revolts without any serious effort to negotiate a resolution of the dispute with Donbass demonstrators turned rebels. Democracies rarely emerge after violent revolutions. By contrast, Russia, faced with a far more radical uprising in Chechnya in 1991, waited and negotiated on and off for three years before embarking on its fateful war.

More recently, the Rada passed a law allowing for the firing of bureaucrats and officials for ill-defined ‘separatism’ or support thereof without a court decision ( Then on April 8th, Ukraine’s parliament, the Supreme Rada, passed a new law that, along with banning supposedly fascist as well as communist propaganda, criminalizes any displays of “disrespect” for OUN veterans, who along with its leader, Stepan Bandera, are held up as heroes by Ukraine’s nationalist, ultra-nationalist and neo-fascist parties, whose members comprise a majority in the Rada. This was not the first such repressive law passed by the nationalist-dominated Maidan regime since it took power through the violent overthrow of Yanukovich in violation of an international agreement.

Western Ukrainians hold a monopoly of power in Kiev, and numerous Ukrainian ultra-nationalists and neo-fascists have been appointed to important positions. President Petro Poroshenko appointed Western Ukrainian governors in the central eastern regions of Kharkiv and Dniepropetrovsk, angering pro-Russia majorities there. Of the 19 ministerial positions in the new government, only two were given to eastern Ukrainians. Representatives of ultra-right forces received several high-ranking government posts, including Ihor Tyahnibok’s Svoboda party, condemned in a European Parliament resolution in 2012 as “xenophobic, racist and anti-Semitic.” Tyahnybok’s Freedom Party members were appointed to head five ministries in the provisional government of spring and summer 2014: Deputy Prime Minister Oleksandr Sych; Ecology and Natural Resources Minister Andrey Mokhnyk; Agriculture Minister Ihor Shvayka; Prosecutor General Oleh Makhitskiy; and Defense Minister Ihor Tenyukh. Members of the neo-fascist Social-National Assembly, a radical Nazi party that seeks worldwide Ukrainian rule, were appointed last year to high-ranking police posts in the MVD, including the post of Kiev Oblast’s police chief – appointments that were condemned by democratic activists but not by Western governments. This week the leader of the neo-fascist Right Sector (RS) party, Dmitro Yarosh, was appointed an advisor to the Ukrainian Armed Forces General Staff. In the immediate aftermath of the overthrow of Yanukovich, he was offered but turned down the deputy chairmanship of the country’s powerful Security and Defense Council under the then provisional government.

The formation of Right Sector on the night of November 26-27 was part of this quasi-militarization of the Maidan. Four ultra-right groups joined forces to found Right Sector: Stepan Bandera’s Trident, named after the head of the Ukrainian nationalist leader who allied and carried out massacres of Poles and Jews in league with the Nazis during World War II; the Ukrainian National Assembly; White Hammer; and the ultra-fascist Social National Assembly (SNA). The SNA’s program gives a glimpse of its ideology: “nationocracy.” It proposes banning all political parties, organizations, associations and ideological groups. The elite of the Ukrainian ethnic group or nation will hold full power: “Political power is wholly owned by the Ukrainian nation through its most talented, idealistic and altruistic national representatives who are able to ensure proper development of the nation and its competitiveness.” “Supreme power (executive, legislative and judicial) of the Ukrainian state will be in the hands of the head of state, who is personally responsible to the nation’s own blood and property.” Capitalism is to be “dismantled” and democracy is to be “eliminated.” All actions that fail “to comply with obligations to the nation and the state will entail the restriction of civil rights or deprivation of citizenship … The ultimate goal of Ukrainian foreign policy is world domination” (

Repression is not just being left on paper or limited to potential oppressors sitting in offices of power. For more than a year now, RS activists have been carrying out a more ‘soft’ reign of terror across the country – from war crimes on the Donbass war front to beatings of officials, alleged criminals, drug dealers, and prostitutes to attacks on media organs. RS claimed responsibility on its website for the 2 May 2014 terrorist pogrom in Odessa in which more than 40 pro-federalization, anti-Maidan demonstrators were burned alive, shot and beaten to death. RS was effusive about the Odessa atrocity: “May 2, 2014 is another bright page in our national history.” It noted that “about a hundred members of ‘Right Sector’ and patriotic-minded Odessa residents countered the rebels,” and “Dmitro Yarosh ignored the ‘expedience’ of the election campaign to coordinate the action against the Russian aggression” (Eugene Trofymenko, “ATO Po-narodnomu, Abo chomu ne Vladimir Putin ne vviv viyska,” Pravyi Sektor, 2 May 2014, The election campaign to which the RS claim of responsibility refers was the presidential election held 23 days after the terrorist pogrom, and Yarosh openly campaigned and won just over 1 percent of the vote. But Yarosh’s game and that of the other ultra-nationalists is politics by anything other than normal democratic means.

Independent, ‘insufficiently patriotic’ media are under constant threat from the authorities and its allied ultra-nationalist thugs. Leading maidan revolutionaries call for the closure of television stations ( and In recent months, the SBU has blocked more than 10,000 websites and recently searched the offices and seized the servers against two major domain registration companies ( Television programs have been closed or threatened with closure for allowing ‘Kremlin agents’ to participate. An Information Ministry with the power to pressure and shut down media was established in autumn. Major media are owned in full or in part by sitting government officials, including President Poroshenko (Channel 5) and Ihor Kolomoiskii, who owns Channel 1+1 but was fired from his position as Denpropetrovsk Oblast’s governor a week ago.

The independent Vesti (News) newspaper and radio channel, actual stalwarts of democracy and the freedoms of speech and information in Ukraine, have been under constant threat of closure and attack since the Maidan seizure of power. In a July 2014 attack, the media company’s offices were rampaged by ultra-nationalists organized by one of the Fatherland party’s then deputies in the Kiev city Rada, Ihor Lutsenko, who now sits in the federal parliament ( and

Just a few days ago and one day after Yarosh’s appointment to the General Staff, RS thugs attacked a Vesti newspaper delivery truck, stealing the papers and beating the truck’s driver ( and Vesti brought to the attention of President Poroshenko, the leaders of the siloviki, and “first of all the Security Service of Ukraine” (SBU) the “criminal chaos in the center of Kiev”, adding: “We demand the cessation of terror against the mass media as well as against business and regulal citizens, which is being implemented by representatives of various political and criminal groups. We are sure that the state organs’ reaction to this disorder in the capitol will be a clear indicator as to whether the attack on the newspaper was an independent initative of criminality or an act planned on the order and under the cover of the authorites ( The next day a bomb scare threatened Vesti’s offices (

Moreover, some nine members of the Opposition Bloc and/or the pre-Maidan party of Yanukovich, the Party of Regions, have ‘committed suicide’ over the last few months ( and More recently, the governor of Zaporozhe Oblast was found dead ( The leader of the Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) is under constant investigation and threat of arrest. Deputies and members of the opposition parties, the Opposition Bloc and the CPU are often harassed by RS and other activists.

Finally, the SBU is more often and in increasingly large numbers making arrests on charges of sabotage and terrorism, without providing proof of their charges. On April 9th, for example, some 25 alleged terrorists were arrested in a single operation in Odessa on charges of planning terrorist attacks. Odessa was the scene of the abovementioned RS terrorist pogrom on May 2nd continues to include many pro-autonomy and pro-Russian elements.

Now the poisonous atmosphere of the revolution’s ultra-nationalism threatens to eat its own. The most recent attack on Vesti came a day after the news agency reported on the now nearly universal ritual of condemning anyone with views slightly at odds with the reining ultra-nationalist atmosphere or its guardians in corridors of power as “Kremlin agents.” Such charges were leveled against Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, Yulia Tymoshenko’s Fatherland party, the ultra-nationalist Svoboda (Freedom) party, and former head of the State Financial Inspectorate Nikolay Gordienko, who has charged Yatsenyuk and his government with massive corruption now being investigated, as I noted in a previous article. Vesti noted sarcastically that “Kremlin agents were multiplying in the Rada day by day” and that “(s)oon no one will be left in the Supreme Rada, except ‘Kremlin spies’ and ‘Yanukovich agents’” (

            In sum, the struggle between democrats and nationalists, between the different nationalist groups, between the oligarchs, and eventually even between more ultra-nationalist western Ukraine and less nationalist and more Russianized central Ukraine – not to mention the unfinished, latent civil war between Donbass and much of the rest of Ukraine – make a democratic outcome of the violent Maidan revolution problematic. The utter failure of Western governments and media, especially here in the U.S., to point out and criticize Ukraine’s democracy deficit and nationalist surplus, as I have here and elsewhere, makes a democratic outcome even less likely.


Gordon M. Hahn is an Analyst and Advisory Board Member of the Geostrategic Forecasting Corporation, Chicago, Illinois; Senior Researcher, Center for Terrorism and Intelligence Studies (CETIS), Akribis Group, San Jose, California Analyst/Consultant, Russia Other Points of View – Russia Media Watch; and Senior Researcher and Adjunct Professor, MonTREP, Monterey, California. Dr Hahn is author of three well-received books, Russia’s Revolution From Above (Transaction, 2002), Russia’s Islamic Threat (Yale University Press, 2007), which was named an outstanding title of 2007 by Choice magazine, and The ‘Caucasus Emirate’ Mujahedin: Global Jihadism in Russia’s North Caucasus and Beyond (McFarland Publishers, 2014). He also has authored hundreds of articles in scholarly journals and other publications on Russian, Eurasian and international politics and wrote, edited and published the Islam, Islamism, and Politics in Eurasia Report at CSIS from 2010-2013. Dr. Hahn has been a Senior Associate at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (2011-2013) and a Visiting Scholar at both the Hoover Institution and the Kennan Institute.

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